Climate Change Economics, Skip the Hysteria (Lomborg)

For those who prefer reading, below is an excerpted transcript lightly edited from the interview, including my bolds and added images.

Hey everyone, it’s Andrew Klavan with this week’s interview with Bjorn Lomborg.  I met Bjorn, he probably doesn’t remember this, but I met him many, many years ago at  Andrew Breitbart’s house.   Andrew brought Bjorn over to talk in LA and I listened to him talking about all the simple and inexpensive things that could be done to make actual change and do  actual good in terms of climate change, which I think at that point was still global warming.

And you know, we had a small audience, and I asked  the question, well, if these are so such smart, cheap ideas, why don’t politicians do them?  And Bjorn said, well, because that wouldn’t give them  the chance to display their virtue.  And I thought, here’s a man who not only knows about science, but actually knows about human  nature.  And I’ve been following him ever since.

He is a president of the Copenhagen Consensus Center, a visiting fellow at Stanford University’s  Hoover Institution, an author of False Alarm and Best Things First, the best writer, I  think, on climate issues and other issues.  Bjorn, it’s good to see you.

Andrew, it’s great to be here.  And I do remember that event, although I remember it for seeing the guy who played on Airplane.  Sorry. So I remember that because it was it’s still one of my favorite movies. It’s one of the greatest movies ever made, I think.  It really is very, very funny.  Yeah.

On a totally different direction.  So I was watching with great approval Donald Trump’s appearance at the United Nations.  I guess it would be when we’re playing this last week.  And he he had this.  I’m just going to read just a little bit of the speech.  He said in the 1920s and the 1930s, they said global cooling will kill  the world.  We have to do something.  Then they said global warming will kill the world.  But then it started getting cooler.   So now they could just call it climate change because that way they can’t miss if it goes  higher or lower, whatever the hell happens.  It’s climate change. It’s the greatest con job ever perpetrated on the world, in my opinion.   Do you agree with that?

So I get where he’s coming from.  And I think there’s some some truth to this.  I mean, Donald Trump always speaks in larger than real life words.   Yes. So it’s not a con job.  There is a problem.   And actually, in some sense, bizarrely, as it may sound, you know, the world is built  all of our infrastructure is built to live at the temperature that we’ve had for the last  hundred or two hundred years.  That’s true in Los Angeles.  That’s true in Boston.  It’s true everywhere in the world.  And so if it gets colder or if it gets warmer, that will be a problem.  So there is an issue here.

But obviously, it’s vastly exaggerated when people then talk about the end of the world.  You may remember that this was one of the favorite terms of Biden, but not just Biden,  but pretty much everyone for the last four years and certainly more as well.  That this is an existential crisis.   There was a recent survey by the OECD, so in all rich countries in the world, where  they found that percent of all people believe that unmitigated climate change, so  climate change we don’t fix, will likely or very likely lead to the end of mankind.  And that, of course, is a very different statement.

There is a problem, that’s true.  It’s not the end of the world.  
But the end of the world is a great way to get funding.

And that’s why people are playing it out.  But it doesn’t make for good policy.  Remember, if you think the end of the world is near, you’re going to throw everything in the kitchen sink at this, which, of course, is what the campaigners would like you to  do. But you will probably waste an incredible amount of resources because you’re just  going to try everything.

Climate change is a problem.  So I disagree with Trump there.  But yes, there is an incredible amount of exaggeration.  And I agree with him there.  So there’s I mean, the climate changes but we’re not living in a glass bubble.  And we’ve even in I don’t know, I guess it was the late 19th century, the Thames in  London froze over and people went skating on it.  It’s so there are these big changes and there have been ice ages, obviously.  How much of this or do we know how much of this is is caused by human beings?  

I have to preface this with saying I’m a social scientist, so I work a lot on  the costs and the benefits of us doing policies against climate change.  I’ve met with a lot of the natural scientists who study all this.  Please don’t do this at home, but I’ve read the UN climate panel report, most of the pages, not all of them.  And it’s incredibly boring, but it’s also very, very informative.  So so I have a reasonably good take on this. And what they tell us is that the majority of the recent warming that we’ve seen is due to climate change.

I have no idea to evaluate that, no way of independently evaluating that is due to  natural climate change or is manmade, due to mankind.  So is it mostly due to us emitting CO from burning fossil fuels?

So there is a significant part of what’s changed over the last century or  thereabouts, which is about two degrees Fahrenheit or one degree Celsius. So that’s something and that’s something we should look at.  But also, we should get a sense of what’s the total impact of this.  Well, actually, climate economics have spent the last three decades trying to estimate:  what’s the total cost of everything that happens with climate change.

So, you know, there are lots of negatives.  There’ll be more heat waves.  There’ll possibly be stronger storms.  There’s also going to be fewer cold waves, which is actually a good thing.  There’s also going to be CO2 fertilization.  So we’ll have more greenery. You know, if you add all the negatives and all the positives, it become a net negative.  That’s why it’s a problem.  But also get a sense of this.

If you look across all of the studies that we’ve done, we estimate the net negative  impact today is about 0.3% of GDP.  So yeah, a problem, not the end of the world.  And it’s crucial to say, if you look out till 2100 which is sort of the standard  time frame, which is a long time from now, we estimate if we do nothing more about  climate change, so we end up with three degrees Celsius, so about degrees 5.6 Fahrenheit, then the cost will be about to 2 to 3% of global GDP every year.

That’s certainly not nothing.  That’s a lot of trillions of dollars.  But again, it’s 2 to 3%. It’s not, you know, the end of mankind,  It’s not anywhere near a hundred percent.  And this is not me saying this. This is the guy William Nordhaus from Yale university, the only guy to get the  Nobel prize in climate economics.  And Richard Tol one of the most quoted climate economists in the world.  They’ve done separate studies. One to find 2%, the other one to find 3%.  That’s the order of magnitude we’re talking about.  And just for, for added emphasis, remember by then everyone in the world  will be much, much better off.

Just like if you compared people from back in 1925 and until today, the UN on its standard trajectory estimate, the average person in the world by the end of the century will be somewhere around 450% as rich as he or  she is today.  That’s not the US that will.  And you know, people come from Denmark and other rich countries might only be 200%  as rich, but many in Africa and elsewhere will be a thousand percent  richer.  So on average, because of climate change, it will feel like they’re only 435% as rich, which sort of emphasizes, yes, that’s a problem.  I would rather have a world that’s 450% as rich trather than one that’s 435%.  But it’s not the end of the world.

It’s still a fantastically much better world, just a slightly less  fantastically much better world.  And that less money that people will have will mean less money you have to spend, what, shoring up buildings.  And so the way they measure that is actually in equivalence of how much you would need to get compensated to live with the problems.

So we don’t actually look at whether people will fix it or not.  You know, it’s a bit like, if you have a slightly dangerous job, you get more money. And that’s basically a way of saying, but you’ll also have to live with that constant slightly higher risk of dying.  Right.  So we’re compensating you for that.  That’s the, that’s the amount that we’re talking about.  So it’ll feel like you’re only % as rich, although you’ll probably in reality, get all that, that slight extra money to get up to 450%, but then you will also have to live with some problems from climate change.

This week I was arguing with a socialist, lovely guy, but just the  guy who believes that like all money should be redistributed.  And I was pointing out that this was giving a lot of power to the people in  power.  And one of the things I sent him was this article you wrote in the, in the  New York Post, which was exactly the kind of article that makes me angry.  And I mean, it makes me frustrated with our politics. I want to read just a couple of sentences.  Last year, the world spent over $2 trillion on climate policies.  This is Bjorn Lomberg writing in the New York Post.  By 2050 net zero carbon emissions will cost an impossible $27 trillion every year.  So this, this will choke growth, spike energy costs and hit the poor hardest  and still will deliver only 17 cents back on every dollar spent.  Meanwhile, mere billions of dollars could save millions of lives.  I’d like to take this apart a little bit, but to begin with all the stuff that we  are spending this money on, is it doing anything?  Will it have any effect?

It will.  I mean, what, what are we spending money on and what will it do?  So these $2 trillion, that’s sort of the official number from the  International Energy Agency and many others. It’s a very soft number because obviously what goes into all this money,  surprisingly, it’s also all the cost into EVs or electric cars, which  of course gives you a thing that can drive you from place A to B, at least  if it’s been charged.  So, I mean, there are some benefits to this.  It’s also spending on solar panels and wind turbines, which  again, obviously gives you electricity when the sun is shining and the wind is blowing. It actually also gives you higher electricity costs all the other  times, because you now need to have backup power for when it’s not shining  or windy,  and that capital is being used less.

So there’s a lot of spending, it’s a very big headline number.  There’s $2 trillion, everyone uses it, but it, but it’s not all that informative,  because the global economy is about a hundred trillion dollars.  It means we’re spending 2% on stuff that we probably wouldn’t have done had we not  been scared witless on climate change.  And that’s a waste.  I mean, remember the total spend on healthcare is perhaps 8%.  The total spend on education globally is about 5%.

These are big numbers.  This is something that could have done a lot of good elsewhere.  But I think the real point here is to say people want to take us to a cost  that’s much, much, much higher.  Remember all the world’s governments, almost all the world’s government now,  not Donald Trump and the US, but most governments have pledged in one form  or another that we’re going to go net zero around 2050 or shortly thereafter.  But nobody looked at what the cost of this will be, which is a little surprising. Because the numbers I’m going to show you suggest  that this one single promise is about a thousand times more expensive than the second costliest policy to which the world has ever committed, which was the Versailles  treaty back in 1919, had Germany actually paid all the money it was supposed to. That cost was about half a trillion dollars  in today’s money, which of course is why Germany never paid it.  But now we’re talking about something that is going to be in the  order of a thousand to two to 3000 times more costly.

Yet nobody’s looked at what the cost will be and what will be the benefits?
There’s no official estimate of this.

So two years ago, a professor from Yale university, Robert Mendelsohn, gathered a lot of really smart climate economists to try to estimate what’s the cost, and what’s the benefit of net zero.  A lot of those really, really smart economists ended up chickening out.  You can understand why it’s a really hard question.  You’re also asking what will happen in the next hundred years and you’re trying to put estimates on it.  At the end of the day, they published a big study published in the journal of climate change economics, which is a period article.

And they had one benefit estimate and three cost estimates.  So this is obviously not great, but it’s the only thing the world has.  And so that gives you a sense of how much will this cost and how much good will do.  If you take the average of these three cost estimates, that gives you $27 trillion in cost per year throughout the 21st century.  That’s where that number comes from.  $27 trillion.  So that’s about a quarter of global GDP right now, because we’re going to be much richer, that is only going to be about 7% of global GDP across the 21st century.  But you know, that’s an enormous cost that’s on the  magnitude of bigger than education, a bit smaller than  healthcare and for everyone in the world, that’s a lot of money.

Now, if this gave you a lot of benefits that might be worthwhile.  I mean, we pay a lot of money for stuff that’s good, but we’ve already  established that even if we could entirely get rid of climate change,  it would only reduce costs by  two to 3%.  So spending 7% to get rid of two to 3% is a bad deal, but unfortunately net zero by 2050 means we’ll only get rid of part of it, right?  Because we’ll already have cost a lot of climate change.  So the net benefit is only about 1% of GDP across the century or about four and a half  trillion dollars.

So there’s a real benefit.  That’s why climate change is real.  There’s a real benefit to net zero, but the benefit is much, much lower than the  cost.  So $4.5 trillion in benefits, $27 trillion in cost every year  in the 21st century, we’ll be paying much, much more than the benefits will generate for the world.  That’s just a bad deal.  There’s no other way to put it.

And the fact that we’re not honest about this and that most people just are not honest about it is one of the reasons why we’re wasting money and  spending it so badly.  The last bit of the quote that you just said was we could do so many other  good things.  Remember, most people in the world are not living in nice countries like the US  or Denmark. Most people are not considering, you know, the biggest problem which of the  many programs and series they want to follow are, am I going to take first or  watch first?  Or, you know, what kind of takeout am I going to have?  They worry about their kids dying from easily curable infectious diseases, not  having enough food, having terrible education, not enough jobs, corruption,  all these other things.  And the truth is we could solve many of these problems, not all of them, but many  of them to save millions of lives at a fraction, a tiny, tiny fraction of this  cost.  So instead of talking trillions, we’re talking billions.

Why is it that we’re so obsessed with spending trillions to do almost no good a  hundred years from now, instead of spending billions and doing a lot of good right  now to avoid people dying from tuberculosis and malaria, avoid  people having terrible education, getting better economies, all these things  that we know work at much lower cost.  That’s my central question to all these feel gooders.  I mean, I know that they want to feel good about themselves, but in some sense, I  would like to believe that they actually want to have done good at the end of the day.

I think it’s much more a question of saying, if I am doing effective policies,  there’s not much money to hand out to friends and to  buy more votes and all that kind of stuff.  Whereas if I am overseeing, you know, an enormous amount of spending on  stuff that doesn’t really matter.  So I can just spend it on whatever.  Then clearly I have a lot more latitude and a lot more opportunity to get  people to like me and to show what a good person I am.  So I think in some sense, it’s just plain politics.  You know, if you’re saying the world is on fire and you’re at  risk.  But  vote for me and I can save your kids.  And it’s only going to cost you 7%.  I can see, you know, why people want to vote for that.  But if you’re saying, look, things are fine and just give me a little bit of  money and I’ll fix the rest of the problems.  It doesn’t quite have the same ring to it, does it?

So, so if, if we were to get to net zero, wouldn’t that cripple poor  countries?  I mean, in other words, it seems to me that people who burn the most fossil fuels  are the people who are building up most and the people who are developing most.  Whereas we’re sort of, we’ve sort of leveled off, haven’t we?

Yes.  So the truth about the $27 trillion is that this is an optimistic  estimate,  sort of assuming that we’re going to be smart.  But I don’t know what the climate future is going to look like.  I don’t think anyone really knows, but we have a good sense that we’re good  at, you know, innovating stuff.  And we know how to get CO2 free energy.  We can do it with nuclear.  We also know we can get some from solar and wind.  We’ll probably have more batteries.  We’ll have lots of things.  I think the world was sort of, you know, stumble through and we’ll be okay.  But the point is we could have been much, much better off.

Does that affect your sense of politics at all?  Oh, of course it does.  And I’m disappointed that half the world would  tend to  dismiss a lot of this because these  are inconvenient facts, With that said though I also  talk about all the incredibly important things we could do in the poor part of  the world. This is not true for most of the world, this is a very  Western, kind of rich world situation where we have this very clear  distinction between right and left.  And, and a lot on the left, I think have sort of gone off on the deep end on some of these things.

For instance, on climate change, which has become this identifying totem,  that they worship, and not in a smart way.  Remember a lot of standard left-wing belief was  about helping the downtrodden, which I perfectly agree with.  And I think a lot of people would agree, we need  to get poor people out of poverty.  That’s a terrible situation and it destroys human dignity and  liberty and all kinds of things.  We should absolutely do something about that.  But the truth is that’s where, you know, seven eighths of the world’s  population is because they know poverty and they want to get out of it.

Although when you go to these events in New York and, and elsewhere, even politicians from Africa and elsewhere, they’ll of course say all the platitudes that come along with getting some funding from rich Western nations.  But in the private cocktail  conversations afterwards,  you know, they don’t  look at Germany and the UK and say: oh yes, deindustrialization and incredibly  high energy costs, that’s what we want. No, they look at China because they want to get rich like China did.

And China of course got rich famously by dramatically  increasing its energy consumption through coal.  At its lowest China’s energy from renewables was 7.5%, and now it’s up to about 11%. So people think, oh China is this green giant, but no it’s not. It gets the vast majority of its energy from coal.  And not surprisingly, because that has been historically the cheap opportunity to drive your economy and development.

 

Day of Liberation from UN Climate Entities (among others)

CNN explains the Presidential actions taken yesterday in article Trump moves to pull US out of bedrock global climate treaty, becoming first country to do so.  Excerpts in italics with my bolds

The agreement in question is the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, or UNFCCC, which the US joined and Congress ratified in 1992, when George H.W. Bush was in the White House. The agreement does not require the US to cut fossil fuels or pollution, but rather sets a goal of stabilizing the amount of climate pollution in the atmosphere at a level that would “prevent dangerous anthropogenic (human-caused) interference with the climate system.”

It also set up a process for negotiations between countries that have come to be known as the annual UN climate summits. It was under the UNFCCC’s auspices that the Kyoto Protocol was negotiated in 1995, and the Paris Agreement in 2015 — two monumental moments of global cooperation and progress toward limiting harmful climate pollution.

In addition, the agreement requires the submission of an annual national climate pollution inventory, which the Trump administration notably skipped this year.

President Trump withdrew the US from the Paris Agreement for a second time on his first day in office. With Wednesday’s move, the US will now become the first country to withdraw from the climate treaty, since virtually every country is a member, according to the Natural Resources Defense Council, an environmental group.

Because the Senate ratified the UNFCCC in 1992, it is a legal gray area as to whether President Donald Trump can unilaterally pull the country out of it. However, if Congress plays a role, the Republican majority would presumably back the move.

If successful, the withdrawal would prevent the US from officially participating in subsequent annual climate summits and could call into question the country’s commitment to other longstanding agreements to which it is a party. It may also prompt other nations to reevaluate their commitments to the UNFCCC and UN climate talks, risking not just US climate progress but that of others.

A US withdrawal could make it difficult for a future president to rejoin the Paris Agreement, since that agreement was struck under the auspices of the UNFCCC.

Trump also moved to withdraw the US from the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, or IPCC — a Nobel Prize-winning group that publishes reports on global warming. While the president likely can’t bar US scientists from participating in IPCC reports, the move could have ramifications for federal scientists who would otherwise contribute.  A White House fact sheet stated:

“Many of these bodies promote radical climate policies, global governance, and
ideological programs that conflict with U.S. sovereignty and economic strength.”

So, it’s a trifeca: UNFCC, IPCC, and Paris Accord

“The Paris Parrot is not dead, it’s just resting.”

Tide Turns Against Climatists’ Agenda

Richard Miller points to growing distrust of climate ideology and to receding support for impractical energy and social policies aimed at fighting global warming/climate change, but serving only to inflict energy poverty  His article is The Tide Turns Against the Climate Change Agenda: A Long-Overdue Reckoning.  Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

The climate establishment’s dominance rested on a seductive pitch: green policies would deliver prosperity without pain. Wind turbines and solar panels would slash energy costs, insulate us from petrostates, and create a jobs bonanza. As Maurice Cousins noted in his August 2025 Artillery Row piece, this vision transformed environmentalism from a middle-class indulgence into a technocratic consensus, backed by state funding, Big Philanthropy, and celebrity endorsements.

Yet, the reality is starkly different. Britain now faces some of the highest industrial energy costs in the developed world, with electricity prices for businesses nearly double those in the U.S. Heavy industry is in retreat, steelworks and manufacturing plants are shuttering, while the UK’s reliance on energy imports has surged, exposing vulnerabilities during crises like Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

The public isn’t blind to this failure. Polls reflect a growing backlash. While abstract support for Net Zero lingers, a 2025 YouGov survey found 47% of Britons want climate policies scaled back when faced with their costs, high bills, job losses, and lifestyle constraints. Reform UK voters, with 32% endorsing reduced green measures, are leading the charge, but even mainstream figures like Tony Blair and trade unions like Unite are breaking ranks, questioning the feasibility of the green agenda. This isn’t just scepticism; it’s a revolt against a narrative that promised abundance but delivered austerity.

The climate lobby’s response? Double down and deflect. Take the recent video by Simon Clark and Carbon Brief’s Dr. Simon Evans, which Cousins critiques as a desperate attempt to “manage” dissent rather than engage with it. Acknowledging rising bills and Britain’s mere 1% of global emissions, it dismisses public concerns as misinformation fuelled by fossil-fuel propaganda. This patronising tone, epitomised by praising the “independent” Climate Change Committee, a body of unelected technocrats, only deepens distrust. It’s a tired playbook, seen in Brexit and migration debates: label critics as ignorant, pathologise their concerns, and cling to elite authority.

But the public’s lived experience, bills they can’t pay, industries they’ve lost,
trumps rhetorical window-dressing.

The folly of the climate agenda lies in its defiance of economic and physical realities. Low-density, intermittent renewables like wind and solar cannot power a modern industrial economy without massive subsidies and grid instability. The Office for Budget Responsibility has warned that Net Zero’s costs, projected at £1.4 trillion by 2050, far outstrip promised savings. Meanwhile, global competitors like China and India, responsible for over 40% of emissions, continue burning coal with little regard for Western virtue-signalling. Britain’s “lead by example” approach is not just naïve, it’s self-destructive, hamstringing its economy while others race ahead.

This reckoning is long overdue. The climate lobby’s promises were always more faith than fact, rooted in a utopian vision that ignored trade-offs. Green jobs? The UK’s renewable sector employs fewer than 75,000 people, a fraction of the 500,000 jobs lost in manufacturing since 2000. Cheaper energy? Households face bills 60% higher than a decade ago. Energy independence? The UK imports 40% of its electricity on peak days, often from fossil-heavy grids abroad.

The climate agenda’s failures are not a messaging problem,
they’re a policy disaster, colliding with
the hard limits of physics and economics.

The tide is turning because the public sees through the façade. From factory workers to suburban families, people feel the squeeze of policies that prioritise ideology over reality. The green backlash isn’t just about cost, it’s about trust. When elites lecture about “saving the planet” while ordinary citizens struggle to heat their homes, resentment festers. Reform UK’s rise and the growing chorus of mainstream dissent signal a broader awakening: the climate agenda, as it stands, is unsustainable.

It’s time to pivot. Instead of doubling down on unworkable targets, Britain needs pragmatic policies, investment in nuclear energy, which provides reliable, low-carbon power; deregulation to revive industry; and a frank acknowledgment that global emissions won’t bend to Western sacrifices alone. The climate lobby’s grip is slipping, and no amount of technocratic spin can stop the public’s demand for change. The reckoning is here, and it’s about time we embraced it.

 

Biomass Energy Exorbitant, Destructive and Pointless

Biomass Energy Process

Shaye Wolf writes at CalMatters Biomass is a money pit that won’t solve California’s energy or wildfire problems  Shaye Wolf is the climate science director at the Center for Biological Diversity.  Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

California’s most expensive electricity source is finally poised to lose a government handout that props up its high costs and harmful pollution. In an era of clean, cheap solar and wind energy, policymakers are rightly beginning to treat biomass energy like the boondoggle it is.

Biomass energy — electricity made by burning or gasifying trees —
is an expensive, dirty relic that relies on industry misinformation and taxpayer money. 

In a vote later this month, the California Public Utilities Commission is expected to end the BioMAT subsidy program, which requires electric utilities to buy biomass power at exorbitant costs — four times the average. Californians get hit with those extra costs in our power bills, along with pollution that harms our health and climate. 

Utilities and environmental groups support ending this costly subsidy.   But the biomass industry is fighting back with misleading claims that its projects are made clean by “new” technology or that they’re needed for wildfire safety. Don’t be fooled.

Burning trees to make electricity harms the climate. In fact, biomass power is more climate-polluting at the smokestack than coal.

Biomass energy releases toxic air pollutants that endanger health, increasing the risk of premature death and illnesses like asthma. The facilities often are located in low-income communities and communities of color that have long fought to shut them down.

It is telling that the biomass industry is rebranding.  It claims it will use “clean” methods to gasify trees instead of burning them. But gasification — which also involves heating organic material — releases large amounts of climate-harming air pollution.

State regulators in May denied a costly biomass gasification project
that couldn’t show it would reduce emissions as promised
.

The industry also promotes carbon capture and storage, claiming this technology will suck up carbon dioxide from biomass smokestacks and store it underground forever. But carbon capture and storage is a costly, decades-old technology with a long history of failure and serious health and safety risks.

Finally, the industry claims biomass energy projects will help pay for forest thinning, which it says will protect communities during wildfires. That means cutting trees, often large trees, which threatens wildlife and depletes forests, which naturally store carbon and fight climate change.

Thinning isn’t a good way to keep communities safe. Most of the community destruction is caused by wind-driven fires during extreme fire weather, made worse by climate change. The fastest-moving 3% of wind-driven fires is responsible for 88% of the damage to homes. [Note: no proof wildfires are worse now than in the past]

No amount of forest thinning can stop that. In fact, thinning makes cool, moist forests hotter, drier and more wind-prone, which can make fires burn faster and more intensely.

Most of California’s destructive wildfires — like the Los Angeles area fires in January — have burned in shrublands and grasslands, not forests, making thinning irrelevant in those cases.

Instead, the best investment for protecting communities during wildfires is hardening homes, so they’re less likely to catch fire, and stopping new development in fire-prone areas. Yet the state has earmarked only 1% of its wildfire funding for home hardening. Most goes to thinning.

Where thinning occurs, it’s most cost-effective to scatter the wood in the forest to create wildlife habitat, retain vital nutrients, and enhance natural carbon storage. If wood must be removed, it can be turned into mulch and shavings. The worst choice is subsidizing biomass companies to make dirty energy.

Any way you look at it, biomass energy is a polluting money pit
that won’t solve our climate or wildfire safety problems.

See also: 

Green Electrical Shocks in 2024

 

Trees converted into pellets by means of petroleum powered machinery.

Carney Directs Canada Pipeline Charade

Q: Do Leopards Change Their Spots? A: No,
because it’s chamouflage concealing their real motives.

This National Post editorial gives the game away: The Carney-Smith pipeline of uncertainty.  Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

MOU adds as many roadblocks as it clears away

Prime Minister Mark Carney, right, signs an MOU with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith in Calgary, Alta., Thursday, Nov. 27, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jeff McIntosh

Had the Great Smith-Carney Pipelines and Climate Pact of 2025 emerged say, five years ago, it would have been considered squarely within the realm of Liberal environmentalism. Instead, because former prime minister Justin Trudeau brought in several anti-business policies, the current prime minister is being feted/scorned as being pro-energy industry by disappointed Liberals and relieved conservatives alike. While Mark Carney deserves credit for negotiating this deal with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, and bringing a rival onside, we’re skeptical at the chances a pipeline ever gets built.

There are definitely some positives in the deal that Smith can present at the UCP annual general meeting this weekend in an attempt to quell the separatist uprising within her governing party. Ottawa has officially committed to “Increasing production of Alberta oil and gas” and to the approval and construction of “one or more private sector constructed and financed pipelines.” The Liberals promise they “will not implement the Oil and Gas Emissions Cap” and will exempt Alberta from the government’s clean energy regulations. They would also consider a temporary exemption to the west coast tanker ban.

All of these regulations have been points of contention for Alberta, so it is to Smith’s credit that she was able to persuade Carney to budge.  But it’s possible this will not accomplish much more than to remove extra layers of regulation, which were unnecessary even by environmental standards. Under the Trudeau Liberals, there was to be a consumer carbon tax, industrial carbon tax, as well as the clean energy regulations and emissions cap. And it did not end there, as the Impact Assessment Act, also brought in under Trudeau, mandates onerous environmental and social review, including the consideration of “Indigenous knowledge” alongside scientific assessment, as well as considering the “intersection of sex and gender with other identity factors.”

If Carney is at all serious about kickstarting investment in Canada,
he should at minimum be willing to clear away some of these extra rules.

Ultimately, it seems that environmental policies and expectations are merely being shifted around. Because what is being asked of Alberta would appear to provide only the narrowest of paths for the construction of a new pipeline to the West coast. Under the memorandum of understanding between Smith and Carney, the province would have to raise its industrial carbon tax from $95/tonne to a minimum of $130/tonne, and reduce methane emissions, produced by the energy industry and farmers, to 75 per cent below 2014 levels. And in addition to the duty to consult Indigenous communities, any pipeline must have Indigenous co-ownership.

Further to that, the construction of a pipeline is entirely contingent on the simultaneous construction of a massive carbon capture project, presumably so Carney can claim the new pipeline is moving only “low emission” barrels of bitumen. Finally, while the MOU does not explicitly give B.C. a veto, that province is to be included “immediately” in a “trilateral discussion” on the project. B.C. Premier David Eby is opposed to a pipeline and was highly critical of the deal, claiming it would take priority away from other projects, specifically B.C. projects Eby supports. [

April 30, 2024 (IEEFA) – More than CAD1 billion were spent retrofitting the Boundary Dam 3 (BD3) coal plant in Saskatchewan to add carbon capture technology. After nine years, the project has a consistent history of capturing far less than the 90 per cent promised when the project was built—and all the carbon dioxide (CO2) captured at the plant is used for enhanced oil recovery (EOR) that injects captured CO2 into the ground to extract more oil..Carbon capture at Boundary Dam 3 still an underperforming failure

And the roadblocks to a new pipeline don’t end there. While it would be approved through the Major Projects Office, it isn’t at all clear what purpose that will serve. Carney’s Liberals gave themselves the authority to suspend regulatory review to expedite projects in the national interest. However, the office is electing not to use this power so far, stating on its website that “Projects will continue to be subject to all regulatory review processes.”

So being approved through the MPO may give the pipeline certainty that
it will be approved — eventually. That means every investment killing
process under the Impact Assessment Act will have to be passed.

What the Smith-Carney deal does accomplish is to buy both of them time to each satisfy their base. For Smith that is conservatives flirting with separatism, and for Carney, it is environmentalist Liberals, some of whom see this deal as a betrayal, such as former environment minister Steven Guilbeault who quit cabinet in protest. We applaud genuine attempts from Ottawa to work with, as opposed to against, Alberta, but we’re not confident this plan will deliver what is promised.

See Also:

Canada PM Carney Floats Imaginary “Decarbonized Oil” Pipeline

On Energy, Carney the Wrong Man at the Worst Time

EU Climatists Backpedaling

Thomas Kolbe explains the turnabout against European climatists, weakening their power over the EU agenda. His American Thinker article is Climate Policy Turning Point.  Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

While former German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock calls for a fight against climate-driven global apocalypse at COP30, Brussels is being forced into political restraint by pressure from the U.S. and Qatar. On the horizon, the end of the EU’s grand climate machinations is becoming visible.

““This is a new form of multilateralism — let us join forces,” said Annalena Baerbock, President of the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly. Photo: Rafa Pereira/COP30

November 13, 2025, could mark a turning point in European Union history. We may have witnessed the beginning of the end of European climate socialism. Media coverage of the day in Parliament downplayed its significance, focusing instead on the reform of the supply chain law, while fundamental changes unfolded at a different level.

Lawmakers in the European Parliament agreed today, Nov. 13, 2025, to dramatic cuts to the EU’s sustainability reporting and due diligence laws, including significant reductions in the number of companies to be covered by the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD) and Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD), and the elimination of the obligation for companies to prepare climate transition plans. The vote, was 382 MEPs in favor and 249 opposed,

Politically, the event cannot be overstated; perhaps it should even be called a singularity in recent EU policy: The European Parliament paved the way for a dramatic dilution of corporate reporting obligations under the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD) and the so-called due diligence rules (CSDDD). The unstoppable march toward a climate dictatorship has been abruptly halted.

The End of the ESG Machine

Advocates of the ESG doctrine — under which private industry is forced by lawmakers to integrate party-circulated environmental and social standards into corporate governance — suffered their first major setback. Reporting and due diligence obligations for companies have been so weakened that previously required climate-aligned transition plans at the corporate level are now eliminated. Responsibility for violations of the remaining rules now rests with national authorities, not Brussels, freeing multinational supply chains from massive oversight.

The economy can, to some extent, escape the regulators’ grip — good news.

Rough Seas for Captains of Industry

For companies in the fossil energy sector, new market incentives emerge: exports to Europe can be conducted more easily, as regulatory hurdles are lowered and bureaucratic reporting requirements drastically reduced. Overall, the adjustment allows companies greater flexibility in supply chains, reduces the compulsion to invest in renewable or CO2-neutral projects, and makes European markets more attractive to fossil energy exporters.

Reality Check

The EU Commission has recently faced mounting pressure from both Washington and the key LNG supplier, Qatar. U.S. trade secretary Howard Lutnick had months earlier called on U.S. companies to simply ignore Europe’s ESG framework if it significantly impeded operations — a direct affront to Ursula von der Leyen, who likes to portray herself as the morally superior, untouchable guardian of EU trade.

Together, these forces launched an offensive to bring Brussels’ climate defense to its knees, where cognitive dissonance had taken hold and the undeniable drift of geopolitical power was being ignored.

We have clearly entered the era of resource dominance. Europe imports roughly 60% of its required energy. Its irrational war on baseload energy sources such as nuclear and coal has only deepened dependence.

In Brussels and EU branch capitals, the lesson is now unavoidable: being a resource-poor trading partner in negotiations reveals how Europe’s capital base has been massively weakened by EU policy. Europe has lost its historic dominant position. President Trump, during negotiations with the EU, merely displayed what behind closed doors was already clear to everyone.

Fear Wins in the End

Ultimately, Brussels’ capitulation to Washington was a logical consequence of this dependence. The post-colonial extraction era — when France accessed uranium cheaply or Europe leveraged its Middle East dominance — is definitively over. Resource-rich regions now set the rules. Europe must comply, seek alliances, and become economically more robust if it wants a role in the future. Its path into eco-socialism was an illusion that has now burst. Germany’s crisis, its accelerated deindustrialization, is only the beginning — a snapshot of the global economic realignment.

In the end, political fear of street unrest prevailed. A Europe facing regular blackouts would simply be ungovernable, with chaos in the streets, lawlessness, and near-civil war conditions, reminiscent of recurring riots in French banlieues.

Baerbock Plays Climate Theater

While reality has long arrived in Brussels and officials are forced to make initial concessions, former German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock — now UN General Assembly President — continues to play the unshakable lead role in the disillusioned climate theater.

On Saturday in Belém, Brazil, at COP30, Baerbock performed with maximum emphasis, trying to give legs to a footsore, limp climate club. She proclaimed that “the climate crisis is the greatest threat of our time,” and that “3.6 billion people — almost half of the global population — are currently highly vulnerable to the effects of climate change.” Droughts, floods, extreme heat, and resulting supply insecurity deepen the “vicious cycle of hunger, poverty, displacement, instability, and conflict.”

A bit of Thunberg-style climate apocalypse, performed for a select audience — climate profiteers among themselves. The theater now smells of a support group, struggling to maintain mutual rhetoric reinforcement. Of the purported 3.6 billion sufferers, few are likely interested in the climate club unless they are tied to its subsidy mechanism.

No one doubts that drastic climate changes throughout history caused massive upheavals — migrations, famine, misery. Yet it is high time to end the current CO2 circus, a carousel revolving around an artificially constructed world with vanishing relevance to everyday life.

The climate business was designed as a classic insider-outsider model. Profiteers of the climate subsidy machine tolerate the occasionally bizarre, childlike savior attitude of Baerbock and other symbolic figures — or even actively side with them. In this sense, Baerbock could indeed be considered a UN ambassador — of those shaping the global climate extraction economy. They pursue policies knowingly destabilizing societies.

The Double Standard of Green Extraction Politics

Perhaps Baerbock can explain to indigenous participants at COP30, protesting deforestation, why Europe’s green lobby cuts entire forests to install uneconomic wind turbines.

She could also offer an economic seminar on how systematic taxation of productive society members — leading only to poverty and relocation of production — supposedly lowers global temperatures. Historical indulgences offer a handy argumentative analogy.

Baerbock’s moral punch has likely suffered due to Brussels’ gradual retreat
from climate orthodoxy. No coercion for Qatar, none for Washington
— but the small corner bakery is milked with climate levies until closure.

Internally, pressure; externally, bowing. That is the new EU strategy. For those still not seeing it: this fight is not about saving the world’s climate. It is about legislatively sanctioned, corporately executed extraction of wealth — and the U.S. has repeatedly shown the red card.

In Baerbock’s words: the U.S. forces the EU into a 360-degree climate volte-face.

 

 

Kids Getting Dumber and Fearful

Even Harvard University is suffering from the scourge of grade inflation, according to a recent report. Photo by JOSEPH PREZIOSO/AFP via Getty Images

Chris Selley points to evidence of our youngsters dumbing down in his National Post article Who will stop our kids from getting dumber?  Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.  Later on is a post  regarding the descent of youth into climate insecurity and fanaticism.

It really feels like we could be at a tipping point. We risk creating generations
of people who don’t know how to think critically, laterally, or at all.

Not-so-surprising news arrived recently from the University of California at San Diego: Academically, the kids are not all right. Not even close. “Between 2020 and 2025, the number of freshmen whose math placement exam results indicate they do not meet middle school standards grew nearly thirtyfold,” a report from the university’s senate finds. “A similarly large share of students must take additional writing courses to reach the level expected of high school graduates.”

The university launched a remedial math course in 2016, designed for “a very small number of first-year students (less than 100 students a year or around one per cent of the incoming class) who were not prepared to start in our standard precalculus courses.” As of this autumn, there were 665 students in that course, representing 8.5 per cent of the freshman class.

UCSD is no slouch in the college rankings: U.S. News and World Report pegs it as the sixth-best public university in the country, in the lofty company of Berkeley, UCLA, the University of North Carolina, and Michigan. It picks students from relatively high up the tree. And a fair few of them can’t do middle-school math.

The report tags dead-obvious suspects in this crime: Against its own board of regents’ advice, the University of California system no longer uses the SAT or ACT as part of the admissions process, because standardized tests are supposedly “racist.” That means the associated colleges (including Berkeley, UCLA and UCSD) have to rely more heavily on high-school grades. But high-school grades have inflated so much in recent years that they’re largely meaningless.

And with significant numbers of kids effectively ChatGPT-ing their way
through K-12, the writing problem especially is only bound to get worse.

I’m generally not an alarmist on such matters, but it really feels like we could be at a tipping point. We risk creating generations of people who don’t know how to think critically, laterally, or at all — and couldn’t successfully articulate what they think in a work email, let alone an essay, if they had to. The most frustrating thing is how easily this all could have been avoided, and how simply it could all be solved, if only the education bureaucracy could get its act together.

The solution to the AI crisis is in-class exams, which is what 49-year-old geezers like me used to know as “exams.” Just do it, for God’s sake.  The solution to the standardized-testing issue is standardized testing.

We need to permanently marginalize the well-lettered
and influential voices who see it as a form of violence.

Grade inflation is a tougher nut to crack, perhaps. It’s much easier to inflate than deflate, and the problem goes well beyond high school. Harvard University’s Office of Undergraduate Education released a report this month assailing the scourge of grade inflation at Harvard. This revelation melted some students — the cream of America’s crop, we are led to believe — into a puddle of tears, the Harvard Crimson reports.

The whole entire day, I was crying,” one undergrad told the student newspaper of the day the report dropped. “I skipped classes on Monday, and I was just sobbing in bed because I felt like I try so hard in my classes, and my grades aren’t even the best.”

Universities have all the data they need to at least measure grade inflation at the high-school level. They know which schools their students attended; they know what their grades are; and they find out pretty quickly every autumn whether they’re literate and numerate.

Here in Canada, the University of Waterloo was a pioneer in keeping a list of the worst grade-inflation offenders among Ontario’s high schools — a perfectly defensible practice, though Waterloo seemed almost ashamed of it. It actually went to court to prevent releasing the contents of that list under a freedom-of-information request from Global News, citing dubious concerns about privacy. Yet the people who should be most interested in such lists are students at the most grade-inflated schools and their parents; a mighty shock awaits them the first day they show up for university.

The educational damage caused by pandemic-era school closures and often-slipshod remote learning is, alas, impossible to remedy. “This year’s high-school seniors (graduating 2026) began remote learning in spring of their 6th Grade year, often one of the most critical in student development for math skills,” the UCSD report notes.

In California, as in Canada, absenteeism rates soared during the pandemic and haven’t recovered. That deficit is baked into an entire cohort of students for life, now. And in California, as in Canada, it’s the least advantaged students who took it hardest on the chin.

If there’s nothing we can do about that, we can at least make the people who cheered it on feel bad, and ensure we never again treat school closures and half-assed online learning so casually. Of all the cockamamie arguments flying around during COVID, “kids will be fine” was one of the weirdest. And “we must keep schools closed to protect our children,” who weren’t at any significant risk at all, was one of the most disreputable.

To be fair, we were flying blind in a crisis none of us had lived through before. We can’t say that about grade inflation, or cheating, or standardized testing. Those are longstanding problems that solving simply requires some grownups with an ounce or two of principle and courage to spare.

Activists participate in a youth climate demonstration during the COP30 U.N. Climate Summit, Friday, Nov. 14, 2025, in Belem, Brazil. Joshua A. Bickel – AP

Nate Myers reports from COP30: The kids are not alright: COP30’s youth-led “climate crisis” struggle.  Sadly, youth lacking in critical intelligence are at risk of activists exploiting them for an agenda. Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

With climate anxiety now affecting an estimated half of young people worldwide, COP30 arrived in Belém, Brazil, promising to “elevate youth voices.” What I witnessed instead, by attending some of the side events, was a well-funded pipeline of fear, guilt, and political indoctrination aimed squarely at children and teenagers who have been convinced the world is ending.

And that was in 2019!

Over several days, I sat through hours of youth-led and youth-themed panels — panels that were supposedly about empowering the next generation but in reality offered little more than emotionally charged rhetoric, self-congratulatory monologues, and wild ideological claims completely detached from scientific or historical context.

By the end, one thing was very clear: The kids are not alright,
and the adults running these sessions know exactly what they’re doing.

Inside the COP30 Youth-Centric Panels:

One of the first sessions I attended was titled “A Legacy for Children and Youth in Climate Policies.” The premise sounded harmless enough — encouraging young people to engage in politics and science. But the execution was anything but.

Representatives from Our Kids Climate, ChildFund Alliance, Child Rights International Network, and Plant-for-the-Planet took turns celebrating how many children their organizations have managed to bring into the movement and how there’s always more work to be done to make the conversation “more inclusive” to “marginalized groups.”

What they didn’t talk about were scientific principles,
energy systems, or practical solutions.

Instead, panelists repeated the talking point that “children are the most affected by climate change” — a phrase that now functions as a moral shield to deflect scrutiny.  The adults paneling the discussion pontificated endlessly about “youth inclusion in climate justice,” never once explaining what “climate justice” actually means or how any of their lofty goals would be achieved. Their message was simple: get more children involved as early as possible.

The moderator even closed with an open call to bring more kids to future COPs. She wasn’t subtle about it. The aim is to expose children to the climate-justice worldview before they have the emotional maturity, economic literacy, or scientific grounding to question it — or even properly understand the conversation.

Youth-Led Climate Forum

The flagship youth session at COP30, the “Youth-Led Climate Forum,” made the earlier panels look calm by comparison. Held over the course of the week in four separate installments that felt more like struggle sessions than intellectual debate and conversation, students repeated sweeping, dramatic lines like:

“We’re just trying to save the world,” followed by, “It’s our responsibility to fix this.”

Someone has convinced these kids that the world is ending — and that they are personally responsible for preventing it. That kind of psychological burden would crush an adult, let alone a teenager.

One young woman even described how her entry into the movement began after watching the apocalyptic thriller “2012.” Sometime later, she experienced a perfectly normal flood — an event that has occurred throughout human history — and interpreted it as confirmation that the “climate crisis” was accelerating.

It was the perfect microcosm of what’s happening to young people worldwide:
propaganda scares them into believing natural disasters are unprecedented,
and any routine weather event becomes proof that doom is approaching.

A representative from World Youth for Climate Justice took it a step further, declaring:

“Countries authorizing new oil leases should be held criminally responsible.”

The entire forum was drenched in ideological buzzwords. “Solidarity” and “intersectional” were used dozens of times. References to Indigenous communities, women, and LGBTQ groups were thrown around like confetti, to the point of unintended comedy.

Yet amid all the emotional rhetoric, no one offered scientific nuance, historical context, or even a basic acknowledgment of natural climate cycles. In fact, no one cited or discussed a single statistic, figure, or model.   It was all emotion, no wisdom. All fear, no facts. And these are the voices COP30 proudly elevates as the “leaders of tomorrow” — leading us to what, I wonder?

And Then Came the Demands…

To top it all off, the Child Rights International Network (CRIN) proudly released a global letter of demands allegedly “developed by young people at COP30.” They issued these demands to every nation on Earth.

Among the most extreme:

    • End all fossil fuel leasing and extraction.
    • Replace global energy systems with “justice-based alternatives.”
    • Mandate climate reparations across nations and generations.
    • Create youth committees with power to oversee national climate policy.

The adults behind these groups know exactly what they’re doing. No child wrote this without intense indoctrination and adult influence. The youth participants are being used — emotionally and politically — to advance an agenda they don’t fully understand.

After countless hours of youth programming at COP30, the conclusion was unavoidable:

These are scared children seeking comfort and direction — yet they’re being fed panic, ideology, and guilt. The same groups that claim to “empower” young people are the ones frightening them into the movement in the first place. That’s not stewardship. That’s emotional exploitation.

 

Ending Government’s Addiction to Junk Science

In their American Thinker article Junk science and government,  S. Stanley Young and Warren Kindzierski describe the corruption problem and a solution pathway.  The article includes links to research studies exposing how pseudoscience is employed to promote governmental agendas in fields such as climate, environment, medicine and social policies. Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

Science controversies have become left-right wars fought on the internet. These days everything exists, from run-of-the-mill issues such as (fake) climate change or extreme numbers of unsafe vaccines children need to receive — up to 80 by age 18, including boosters, and COVID vaccines saving lives (hardly, but anyhow), to the Tylenol-autism dustup.

Even people with life experience and common sense have problems judging such controversies; and the internet is where sound science competes with junk science.

The National Association of Scholars (NAS) spent the past few years examining the methods of four different fields of science that lead to irreproducible (false) evidence used by governments. Flawed methods are big part of what leads to false evidence and junk science. Guess where most of this junk originates? Government-funded academia.

Academic junk science has been allowed to run amuck for decades and with little or no policing from university administrations. Elite universities, e.g., Harvard, seem to be right in there among the infestation. They would have us think they are important for science innovation. They’re wrong: more often than not — key innovations come from private industries and industrial laboratories rather than from universities.

So where does junk science fit in? It works in favor of government policymakers who mostly spend their career on our dime trying to make their jobs more important. They do this by using junk science to create irresponsible polices and regulations that are costly, meaningless, or even harmful to us.

Government policies should be built on transparent and accountable scientific research. Policies (and regulations) developed from research should clear a high barrier of proof. They should be based on reproducible science. Unsurprisingly, too many government science policies fail here.

All this points to a policy crisis in government. The current situation is win/win for government bureaucrats and universities: agency propaganda is supported and universities get grants. The citizens — us — are the ones paying for the loss of freedom.

The road to fixing this mess has already started at the top — the White House, with a landmark executive order Restoring Gold Standard Science. This order is a return to foundational scientific principles in government — fostering discovery, innovation, and trust in science. To this end, we offer four reforms to help governments.

Source: NIH Publishes Plan to Drive Gold Standard Science, August 22, 2025

1. Cut the funding of junk science. Federal government agencies need to change their regulatory and funding practices to fix the irreproducibility crisis in academic science and the irresponsibility crisis in our government.

2. Sever the fraudulent relationship between government policymakers and academic junk scientists. Federal and state policymakers need to end the arbitrary procedures of using government-funded scientific research for regulation if it is irreproducible.

3. Fix the process fueling this train wreck. Federal and state policymakers need to change the teaching of undergraduate (and K‒12) science and math to educate properly a new generation of science professionals, policymakers, and informed citizens. They certainly should cover junk science and fossil fuel development, the latter which is linked to our prosperity.

4. Refocus policy institutes to dedicate themselves to sound science policy as a priority. These institutes need to be staffed with people who know the difference between sound and junk science, and the benefits of fossil fuels.

Previous administrations have allowed a cesspit of relationships between government policymakers and academic junk scientists, including radical activists disguised as scientists.

Government experts employed to judge scientific research and academics (whom mostly lean left) are naïve or sly practitioners of political groupthink. They are not our friends.

These reforms will go a long way in reversing the current situation of government bureaucrats and academics jointly using regulation based on junk science to advance corrupt, self-serving policy goals.

S. Stanley Young, PhD, is the CEO of CGStat in Raleigh, North Carolina and is Director of the National Association of Scholars’ Shifting Sands Project. Warren Kindzierski, PhD, is a retired college professor (public health) in St Albert, Alberta.

See Also

Why Federalized Science is Rotten

Government Funding Corrupts Science, How to Stop It

Woke and Green Fading Away

Philip Cross writes at Financial Post Woke and Green are departing the scene.  Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added image.

2025 may mark the end for such policies as unsubsidized EV sales
collapse and impatience with DEI rises

This year is shaping up as a turning point in restoring sanity to public policy. Nowhere is the change more evident than in attitudes to green energy policies, once the rallying cry for left-wing parties in North America. Support has collapsed for three pillars of green energy advocacy:

♦  building electric vehicles to eliminate our need for oil pipelines and refineries;

♦  using the financial clout of the Net-Zero Banking Alliance to force firms
to eliminate carbon emissions; and

♦  legally mandating the shift from fossil fuels to green energy.

This turning away from green energy policies is reflected in how industrial policy underpinning electric vehicles (EV) has been discredited over the past year. Companies are delaying or abandoning the building of EV assembly and battery plants, mainly because EV sales are slumping following withdrawal of the artificial stimulus of government subsidies in both Canada and the U.S. Walking away from these investments leaves governments on the hook for billions of dollars they rashly pledged in support of EV projects.

In Quebec, Northvolt stopped work on a $7-billion battery plant, electric bus manufacturer Lion Electric filed for bankruptcy, and the Ultium CAM consortium paused plans to expand production of materials for batteries to be used in GM vehicles, which in turn led the giant mining company Vale to cancel plans for a nickel sulfate plant to supply these batteries. In Ontario, Honda delayed $15 billion of investments to build EV assembly plants and supply them with batteries, while Ford postponed its EV assembly plant plans after its EV division posted losses of $12 billion over the past two and a half years. Just last week, GM stopped producing electric delivery vans at its Ingersoll plant due to slack demand that had “nothing to do with tariffs or trade,” according to GM Canada’s president.

As investment in EV and battery plants collapses into full retreat, the outlook for fossil fuel demand improves. The International Energy Agency has reversed course and now projects demand will rise by 2.5 million barrels a day between 2024 and 2030. The under-investment in petroleum refining resulting from our having bought into the narrative that oil was past peak pushed the industry’s capacity utilization rate to 94.1 per cent in July, the highest of any industry in Canada that month. The prospect of demand exceeding capacity spurred the industry to boost investment to over $3 billion last year, double its average over the previous two decades.

The shift in public attitudes to fossil fuels provoked an abrupt about-face in Prime Minister Mark Carney’s stance on energy policy. In 2021 Carney spearheaded the launch of the Net-Zero Banking Alliance, which proposed to use access to credit to push firms to adopt policies that eliminated greenhouse gas emissions. But last month, after the world’s largest banks left it, including Canada’s, the alliance shut down. Even as it did, Carney’s government revived the Keystone XL pipeline proposal to carry Canada’s bitumen to U.S. refineries looking to replace dwindling heavy oil shipments from Mexico and Venezuela.

The tide is also turning against climate-change activists in the legal world. Just last week, a U.S. federal court ruled against claims by a group of young people that the Trump administration’s gutting of green energy initiatives violated their human rights. The court concluded such an important policy issue should be resolved at the ballot box and not in the courts, a precedent we should all hope helps Ontario courts reach the same conclusion in a similar case brought by teenagers.

The setbacks for green energy policies are reflected in disarray among left-wing parties in Canada and the U.S. In the U.S., The New York Times reports, registration of Democratic voters has fallen by two million since last year’s elections, despite high disapproval of Trump’s economic policies. While the radical left rejoices in the candidacy of self-styled Democratic Socialist Zohran Mamdani for mayor of New York, more centrist Democrats, fearing his radical agenda will hurt the party in next year’s midterm elections, have been slow to endorse him. In Canada, the NDP lost official party status in this spring’s federal election as its vote share plumbed historic lows, revealing the folly of Leap manifesto leaders forcing out Thomas Mulcair as NDP leader in 2017 because they wanted more aggressive opposition to fossil fuels.

Policies such as the Green New Deal are not the left’s only vulnerability. Support for woke social movements such as DEI (“diversity, equity and inclusion”) has also become a liability. A fundamental problem associated with both the green and woke movements is that advocates are so convinced of the righteousness of their causes that they refuse to countenance debate.

Because neither developed arguments that resonated with the public,
that same public is not alarmed to see these policies dismantled.

 

Cal Laws Compell PC Climate Speech, Exxon Sues for Free Speech

Tim O’Brien explains the climate lawfare in his PJ article Is California Attempting to ‘Suicide’ Big Oil and Write the Suicide Note? Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

Sometimes big corporations are their own worst enemies. They say things and do things that at the moment sound good and perhaps win an immediate PR battle, but those same words or positions can come back to bite them later. Such is the case for ExxonMobil. 

Back in 2006, almost 20 years ago, the company’s then-CEO Rex Tillerson told the New York Times that a company report had acknowledged the link between the consumption of fossil fuels and rising global temperatures, saying, “We recognize that climate change is a serious issue.” He then added, “We recognize that greenhouse gas emissions are one of the factors affecting climate change.” 

This massive gesture of appeasement was a major concession, and it awarded a huge victory to climate alarmists. In that same article, the Times suggested that if Tillerson was successful, ExxonMobil would “no longer be the oil company that environmentalists love to hate.” 

Climate Activists storm the bastion of Exxon Mobil, here seen without their shareholder disguises.

How’d that work out? Did they back off of ExxonMobil and other big oil companies as a result? No, they ramped up the pressure so steadily and so heavily that over the years, “climate change” activists led ExxonMobil by the nose. It went full bore into “sustainability,” and it even supports the Paris Agreement, also known as the Paris Climate Accord. 

After years of incremental surrender to the left, the company now finds itself in the position of having to sue the state of California over a pair of 2023 “disclosure laws” that amount to the state mandating what companies can and cannot say about certain climate change matters. 

Last week, the company sued California in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of California on claims that Senate Bills 253 and 261 “trumpet California’s message.” The message in question, apparently, is that big oil and other major companies are “uniquely responsible for climate change.” In its lawsuit, Exxon Mobil said it considers this sort of message as “misleading.” The suit challenges both laws on grounds that they are First Amendment violations. The intent of the litigation is to stop these laws from going into effect in 2026. 

The climate alarmists and their entire sector are portraying the laws as requiring basic “climate-related transparency.” 

But if you dig into these laws, it reminds me of that old saying about free speech. It goes like this: “Communist China believes in free speech. So long as you say what the government likes, you can say whatever you want.” That pretty much sums up this situation.

More specifically, ExxonMobil contends that to comply, it would need to
rely on “frameworks that place disproportionate blame
on large companies like ExxonMobil.”

Senate Bill 253

Gov. “Slick” Newsom signed Senate Bill 253 (the Climate Corporate Data Accountability Act) into law in 2023. It requires big companies to disclose a wide range of emissions, and not just the stuff coming out of their industrial pipes and smoke stacks. They’d even have to report “direct and indirect emissions” that would include quantitative measurement of and a cost for employee business travel and product transport. 

I’ve seen some of this type of internal tracking and reporting up close, and it’s ridiculous. It’s all in line with ESG measurements and processes that are inconsistent at best. Just as often, it’s a scoring system built on “Wild A** Guesses.” 

Senate Bill 261

Senate Bill 261 (or the Climate-related Financial Risk Act ) gets even more pointedly at the First Amendment issues at play. This law requires businesses that generate more than $500 million per year to “disclose” the financial impacts and risks they face from climate change, and how they will respond. 

More to the point, ExxonMobil said that if it even tried to comply with this law, it would have to guess on things it can’t even know about in advance. Essentially, it would have to try to predict the future and put those predictions on its own website. 

At the same time, the suit points out that Exxon doesn’t even have
any crude oil or natural gas exploration, production, manufacturing,
transport or refining operations in California. 

On the First Amendment issue, in ExxonMobil’s case, the company is expected to argue that both laws require companies to speak publicly in specific ways. The laws don’t simply mandate that the company disclose factual data on past activities and results, but rather that it must speculate in ways it cannot reasonably and responsibly do. 

This is “compelled speech.” While the First Amendment protects the right to speak, it also protects the right not to have the government force you to speak, or to incorporate the government’s desired message. This is known as the “compelled speech doctrine.” While it is usually described as it pertains to individual rights, there is some history of commercial businesses running into this same issue.

What all of this amounts to is it seems that as industries go, California is attempting to “suicide” Big Oil, and it even wants to write the suicide note for the industry.